St. Joseph's Cathedral in Dunedin, New Zealand is the Roman Catholic Cathedral for the Roman Catholic Diocese of Dunedin.
The Cathedral was designed by Francis Petre, who also designed the Cathedral of the Blessed Sacrament in Christchurch and Sacred Heart Cathedral in Wellington. Construction of the Gothic style Cathedral started in 1878, during the episcopacy of Bishop Patrick Moran. It was used for its first church service in February 1886, and was completed in its unfinished state in May 1886, at a cost of £22,500. The original design, however,was for a much larger building, with a tall spire over the transept.
The cathedral is located beside St. Dominic's Priory, also designed by Petre, in 1876. The Priory is no longer used, except for one room utilised by the Cathedral choir. The Cathedral Chapel is situated behind the Priory, and the Traditional Latin Mass is still celebrated there once a month. Behind the Cathedral is the Catholic Pastoral Centre, containing the Bishop's office and also the Catholic library.
The Cathedral has undergone several modifications, the most notable being the removal of the High Altar after Vatican II; it was returned after a long sojourn in the Dunedin Public Art Gallery. The side altar was dismantled in early 1970, and has since been made into a large Tabernacle, kept in the Blessed Sacrament chapel beside the sanctuary. A new Reconciliation Room has been added to replace the old confessionals in the nave of the cathedral.
A description of St Joseph's Cathedral from a letter of the reporter of the Auckland Evening Star in 1889 says, "The cable tram has carried you up barely two hundred feet when you see a double-towered church of dark grey stone standing on a site cut into the hill. This is the Catholic Cathedral, St Joseph - and it is a gem. The outside gives you no idea of the beauty within."

Margaret Evelyn Osborne duPont (born on March 4, 1918, in Joseph, Oregon, United States) is a former American female tennis player.
DuPont won a total of 37 singles, women's doubles, and mixed doubles Grand Slam titles, which places her fourth on the all-time list despite never entering the Australian Championships. She won 25 of her Grand Slam titles at the U.S. Championships.
DuPont teamed with Louise Brough Clapp to win 20 Grand Slam women's doubles titles. They won nine consecutive titles at the U.S. Championships from 1942 through 1950. They won that tournament 12 of the 14 years they entered as a team.
DuPont was ranked in the U.S. top 10 (seventh) for the first time in 1938. Her last U.S. top 10 ranking (fifth) was in 1958. Over that 21 year period, she was ranked in the U.S. top 10 fourteen times.
DuPont was undefeated in ten Wightman Cup competitions, winning her ten singles and nine doubles matches. She also captained the U.S. team nine times, winning eight.
DuPont married William duPont in 1947 and later interrupted her career to give birth to a son. She was one of the few women to win a major title after childbirth.
DuPont never played the Australian Championships because her husband would not let her. "They didn't start to invite people down there and pay their expenses until I got married, and that was wintertime and Will's vacation time, and I just never got to go. He threatened to divorce me if I went to Australia, so I never went. He had that respiratory trouble, and he wanted me to come to California with him. He thought I should be with him. That was that."
She was inducted into the International Tennis Hall of Fame in 1967.

Grand Slam singles finals

Wins (6)

Grand Slam singles tournament timeline

Performance timelines for all female tennis players who reached at least one Grand Slam final

The Carinthian Plebiscite (German: Kärntner Volksabstimmung, Slovene: Koroški plebiscit) on October 10, 1920 determined the border between Austria and the newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later Yugoslavia) after World War I. In particular it divided Carinthia, formerly a province of the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy, in two parts.

History
After the ruin of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in World War I, new states arose on its territory. Among these there was an internationally recognized State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, which was created on October 29, 1918, but was incorporated in the newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes on December 1, 1918.
Determination of borders between the new countries was a problematic issue that was not always solved peacefully. The "Carinthian question" became an issue in the closing days of World War I. The principle of self-determination, called for by Woodrow Wilson, was taken up by the various nationalities that were going to form the successor states in the wake of the defunct Habsburg empire. Events in Carinthia began to unfold rapidly, beginning with territorial claims by the Slovenian National Assembly on October 17, 1918. These claims where rejected by the Provisional Provincial Carinthian Assembly on October 25, 1918. On November 11, 1918 the Provincial Carinthian Assembly demands self-determination, which in this case amounted to demanding a plebiscite, for a region with a mixed population. The question was whether the strong Slovene majority in the province's southern region adjoining the Karawanken frontier would carry the vote for union with Austria or whether they mainly wished to join the newly arisen South Slavic state. This was to large extent a consequence of rising national awareness under the multi-national Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy and dreams of autonomy, which Slovenians had not experienced since the 9th century, when the principality of Karantania lost its autonomy. A common state with other south Slavic nations seemed at that time the most acceptable compromise towards fulfillment of national strivings.
With the occupation of Lower Carinthia by Yugoslavs troops the conflicts evolved into clashes of arms. The fight to preserve the Karawanken frontier began. A nine-day American commission, the "Miles mission," scouted the disputed region between the river and the mountains in January/February 1919 and made the crucial recommendation that the Karawanken frontier should be retained, and thereby opened up the possibility of a plebiscite. The Yugoslavs pressed for a border on the Drava; the U.S. delegates spoke in favor of the preservation of the unity of the Klagenfurt Basin and succeeded in convincing the British and French delegations.
The winners in World War I wanted to solve conflicts peacefully and they divided Carinthia into two zones, A on the south and B on the north, with the intention of later organizing a referendum about annexation to either Austria or Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.
The plebiscite took place in the A zone on October 10, 1920, with 22,025 votes for Austria and 15,279 for the other option. This means that also a great number of Carinthian Slovenes must have voted for Austria. Because the Austrian side won, the referendum was not carried out in the northern zone B.
The Plebiscite did not cover the areas of Carinthia now part of Slovenia, namely the former "Miestal" and the area around Dravograd (German Unterdrauburg). These were likely simply annexed by the SHS kingdom as a consequence of the Treaty of Saint-Germain.
The plebiscite determined the border between Austria and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The border remained unchanged after World War II, when the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was succeeded by Tito's Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Since the downfall of Yugoslavia, the border has separated Austria and Slovenia.

Background
The bulk of the power over parliament of the United Kingdom has historically been vested in the Sovereign, acting on the advice of bodies such as Parliament and the Privy Council. Over several years, the Cabinet evolved from the Privy Council, as the monarch began the practice of consulting a few confidential advisers rather than the Council at large. These bodies, however, bore little resemblance to modern Cabinets; they were often not led by a single figure such as a Prime Minister, they often failed to act in unison, and they were appointed and dismissed entirely at the whim of the monarch, with little parliamentary control.
The history of the British Prime Ministers owes much more to speculation of historians, rather than to legal acts. The origin of the term prime minister and the question to whom the designation should first be applied have long been issues of scholarly and political debate.
The first mention of "Prime Minister" in an official government document occurred during the premiership of Benjamin Disraeli. The title was used since then in documents, letters and conversation (and in conversation at least may have been used before then). In 1905 the title "Prime Minister" was noted in a royal warrant that placed the Prime Minister, mentioned as such, in the order of precedence in Britain immediately after the Archbishop of York. By this time legal recognition of the title seems to have occurred and it was later mentioned in the Chequers Estate Act 1917, and the Ministers of the Crown Act 1937.
There are numerous categorical testimonies deep into the 19th century decrying the notion of a First or Prime Minister, credibly declaring the concept as alien to the Constitution, and the term actually emerges as a creature of historians, not lawyers or Parliament — indeed the contrary is best documented.
In 1741, it was declared in the Commons that "According to our Constitution we can have no sole and prime minister . . . every . . . officer has his own proper department; and no officer ought to meddle in the affairs belonging to the department of another." In the same year the Lords agreed that "We are persuaded that a sole, or even a first minister, is an officer unknown to the law of Britain, inconsistent with the Constitution of the country and destructive of liberty in any Government whatsoever." These were very much partisan assessments of the day, however.
On the other hand, in an interview by Lord Melville with William Pitt the Younger in 1803, the latter argued that "this person generally called the first minister" was an absolute necessity for a government to function, and expressed his belief that this person should be the minister in charge of the finances. In 1806, it was asserted in the Commons that "the Constitution abhors the idea of a prime minister", and as late as 1829 the Commons again asserted that "nothing could be more mischievous or unconstitutional than to recognise by act of parliament the existence of such an office."
Beatson's Political Index of 1786 gives the list of Prime Ministers and Favourites from the Accession of Henry VIII to the Present Time. Since 1714, Beatson could only find one Sole Minister, and that was Sir Robert Walpole. At all subsequent periods he felt that he had to bracket two, three, or even four people as joint or co-equal ministers whose advice the King took, and who therefore controlled the governance of the country.
The first Act of Parliament to mention the position of Prime Minister was the Chequers Estate Act, which received the Royal Assent on December 20, 1917. It dealt with the gift to the Crown of the Chequers Estate by Sir Arthur and Lady Lee, for use as a country home for future Prime Ministers.
Finally, the Ministers of the Crown Act, which received the Royal Assent on July 1, 1937, gave official recognition to the position of Prime Minister and made provision for paying "the First Lord of the Treasury and Prime Minister" — the former being the office that since the 18th century, has usually been held by the Prime Minister:
To give statutory recognition to the existence of the position of Prime Minister, and to the historic link between the Premiership and the office of First Lord of the Treasury, by providing in respect to that position and office a salary of…
The Act made a certain distinction between "position" (Prime Minister) and "office" (First Lord of the Treasury), emphasising the unique character of the position and recognising the existence of the Cabinet. Nevertheless, in spite of this recognition, the brass plate outside the Prime Minister's front door still bears the title of "First Lord of the Treasury."
The lack of official recognition for the position of Prime Minister sometimes causes problems when trying to positively identify prime ministers in the British history. Thus, every list of British Prime Ministers may omit certain politicians, depending on the criteria selected by a researcher. For instance, unsuccessful attempts to form ministries, such as that of William Pulteney, 1st Earl of Bath in 1746, or the summons of the sovereign to ministers who refused to form a ministry are often ignored.
The origins of the modern term "Prime Minister" date back to the time after the Glorious Revolution (1688), when Parliament's power began to grow steadily at the expense of that of the monarch. It was under William III and his successor, Anne, that the Cabinet began to take its modern shape. Individuals such as Sidney Godolphin, 1st Earl of Godolphin and Robert Harley were recognised as the leaders of their respective ministries, but they cannot be considered Prime Ministers in the modern sense, given that they exercised little control over their colleagues. Similarly, the Cabinets of Anne's successor, George I, were led by individuals such as Charles Townshend, 2nd Viscount Townshend, James Stanhope, 1st Earl Stanhope, and Charles Spencer, 3rd Earl of Sunderland, but these individuals were not truly Prime Ministers, as we now understand the office.
Lord Stanhope and Lord Sunderland, who were joint leaders of their Cabinet, were succeeded in 1721 by Sir Robert Walpole, who held the influential office of First Lord of the Treasury. Previous holders of the post had often been important figures in government, but not to such a degree as Walpole. His influence grew even stronger because the King, George I, was not active in British politics, preferring to concentrate on his native Hanover. Walpole is generally regarded as the first Prime Minister, not just because of his influence in Government, but because he could persuade (or force) his colleagues in the Cabinet to act in a harmonious and unified fashion, instead of intriguing against each other for more power. Walpole's office, First Lord of the Treasury, became strongly associated with the leadership of the Government; it became the position which the Prime Minister almost always held.
Though Walpole is considered the first "Prime Minister," these words were used as a term of reproach by his political opponents. His tenure was not as important in terms of constitutional development as some have imagined. His term and power were primarily based on the favour of the Crown, rather than the support of the House of Commons. His immediate successors were not nearly as powerful as he; the influence of the Crown continued to remain paramount. Still, the powers of the monarch were slowly diminished, and those of the Prime Minister gradually increased, over the course of the following years. Indeed, during the last years of George II's life, policy was chiefly directed by Ministers such as William Pitt the Elder.
The reign of George III, which began in 1760 upon the death of George II, is particularly notable for developments in the office of Prime Minister. Over the course of his reign, the King was sometimes forced by parliamentary pressure to appoint Prime Ministers and Ministers whom he did not personally favour. Control over the composition of the Cabinet had not, however, been completely lost by the King; in some cases, George was able to prevent the appointment of politicians whom he detested (for instance, Charles James Fox). The influence of the monarch nevertheless continued to gradually wane; this trend became clearly noticeable during the reign of William IV, the last King to appoint a Prime Minister against the wishes of Parliament. William attempted to impose his personal will in 1834, when he dismissed William Lamb, 2nd Viscount Melbourne (whose Whig administration he disliked) and replaced him with a Conservative, Sir Robert Peel. Peel, however, found it impossible to govern without the support of the House of Commons, which remained Whig-dominated despite a general election, and was forced to resign from his position. Since Peel's administration, the Sovereign has had very little discretion in appointing Prime Ministers.
As the Royal influence over ministerial appointments disappeared, the power of the House of Commons rose, its political superiority over the House of Lords being established by the Parliament Act 1911. During the early twentieth century, the convention that the Prime Minister should be responsible not to the Lords, but to the Commons, took root. The associated convention that the Prime Minister should actually be a member of the Lower House was developed. The last Prime Minister to lead his whole administration from the Lords was Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, from 1895 to 1902. Mention, however, must be made of the appointment of Alec Douglas-Home, 14th Earl of Home in 1963. Lord Home was the last Prime Minister who was a peer, but, within days of attaining office, he disclaimed his peerage, abiding by the convention that the Prime Minister should sit in the House of Commons. A junior member of his Conservative Party who had already been selected as candidate in a by-election in a staunch Conservative seat stood aside, allowing Douglas-Home to contest the by-election, win and thus bla procure a seat in the lower House.
For the complete list of British Prime Ministers, see List of Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom.

History
Although in recent years it has never hindered any premier in the exercise of his or her office, the official status of the Prime Minister remains somewhat ambiguous. A Prime Minister has virtually no statutory authority in his or her own right; all the actual business of running the country and spending the budget is (in theory) carried out by the holders of more explicitly-defined Cabinet offices, who are empowered to do so by various Acts of Parliament. The Prime Minister holds at least one of these more tangible ministerial offices himself—normally First Lord of the Treasury—and indeed receives his or her salary and public accommodation only by virtue of that office.
The title "Prime Minister", however, is not altogether a matter of convention, as in 1905 it was in a sense given official recognition when the "Prime Minister" was named in the order of precedence, outranked, among non-royals, only by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York and by the Lord Chancellor. The first prime minister in this sense is therefore considered by some to have been Henry Campbell-Bannerman, although the term "Prime Minister" first appeared on official documents during the premiership of Benjamin Disraeli and was used informally before then. Furthermore, the office is not entirely without statutory justification, since it has in fact been explicitly named a number of times in emergency wartime legislation. All sorts of official pronouncements are issued from Downing Street in the name of the "Prime Minister" without further circumlocution or explanation.
By convention, as noted above, the Prime Minister also holds the office of First Lord of the Treasury. The only Prime Ministers who have not also served as First Lord for a significant part of their administrations are William Pitt, 1st Earl of Chatham (who was Lord Privy Seal) and, for most of his three premierships, Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury (who was either Foreign Secretary or Lord Privy Seal except for the first few months of his second premiership when he was First Lord). Since Lord Salisbury's retirement in 1902, every Prime Minister has also been First Lord of the Treasury. Some have held yet more offices; for example until 1942 nearly every Prime Minister was either Leader of the House of Commons or Leader of the House of Lords, depending upon which House they sat in. Some have also held specific ministerial posts; for example Ramsay MacDonald was both First Lord and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs during his first premiership in 1924. Since the 1960s every prime minister has also been Minister for the Civil Service.
More recently, there is also the associated post of Deputy Prime Minister. An officer with such a title need not always exist; rather, the existence of the post is dependent on the form of Cabinet organisation preferred by the Prime Minister and his or her party. The Deputy Prime Minister does not automatically succeed if a vacancy in the premiership is suddenly created, nor does he or she generally assume any specific additional powers when the Prime Minister is outside the country. It may, however, be necessary for the Deputy to stand in for the Prime Minister on occasion, for example by taking the dispatch box at Prime Minister's Question Time or by attending international conferences or bilateral meetings when the Prime Minister is unavailable. Since the resignation of John Prescott on 27 June 2007 there has been no Deputy Prime Minister.
In the devolved governments of Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland, the position which corresponds with that of Prime Minister is First Minister. (See First Minister of Scotland, First Minister of Wales, and First Minister of Northern Ireland.)

The office
The office of Prime Minister is governed not by codified laws, but by unwritten and, to some extent, fluid customs known as constitutional conventions, which have developed over years of British history. These conventions are for the most part founded on the underlying principle that the Prime Minister and his fellow Ministers must not lose the support of the democratically elected component of Parliament: the House of Commons. The Sovereign, as a constitutional monarch, always acts in accordance with such conventions, as do Prime Ministers themselves.
There is no term of office for a prime minister. The prime minister holds office "at Her Majesty's pleasure". As however to gain supply (control of exchequer funds) that requires that the government be answerable to, and acceptable to, the House of Commons, in reality the convention "at her Majesty's pleasure" means "at the pleasure of the House of Commons". Whenever the office of Prime Minister falls vacant, the Sovereign is responsible for appointing the new incumbent; the appointment is formalised at a ceremony known as Kissing Hands. In accordance with unwritten constitutional conventions, the Sovereign must appoint the individual most likely to maintain the support of the House of Commons: usually, the leader of the party which has a majority in that House. If no party has a majority (an unlikely occurrence, given the United Kingdom's First Past the Post electoral system), two or more groups may form a coalition, whose agreed leader is then appointed Prime Minister. The majority party becomes "Her Majesty's Government," and the next largest party becomes "Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition." The head of the largest Opposition party becomes the Leader of the Opposition and holds the title Leader of Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition. By tradition, before a new Prime Minister can enter 10 Downing Street for the first time as its occupant, he or she is required to announce to the country and the world that he or she has kissed hands with the monarch of the day, and thus has become Prime Minister. This is usually done by saying words to the effect of:
"Her Majesty the Queen [His Majesty the King] has asked me to form an administration and I have accepted."
Although it wasn't required, Tony Blair also said these words after he was re-elected in 2001 and 2005.
The period in office of a Prime Minister is not linked to the term of Members of the House of Commons. A prime minister once appointed continues in office as Her Majesty's head of government until either they resign, are dismissed (in reality something not likely to happen except in exceptional circumstances) or die. Resignation can be triggered off by the passage of a Motion of No Confidence or by rejecting a Motion of Confidence in the House of Commons. In those situations, a prime minister must either resign or seek a dissolution. A Loss of Supply also amounts to a loss of confidence. Such defeats for the Government, however, are rare; there have only been three defeats on confidence issues since the nineteenth century: twice in 1924, and once in 1979. The first in 1924 took place immediately after an inconclusive election result and led to an immediate change of government, but in the other two cases a general election was called (and in both, the incumbent government was defeated).
Where a prime minister loses a general election modern constitution conventions dictate that that prime minister immediately submit his or her resignation. Previous precedent, until the early twentieth century, dictated that a prime minister wait until actually defeated on their legislative programme in a vote on the Speech from the Throne before resigning. This option has never entirely been discarded, and might be adopted again if, say, a General Election produced a Parliament with no overall majority. For instance, something of the kind occurred after the general election of February 1974, which did not produce an absolute majority for any party, Edward Heath opted not to resign immediately, instead negotiating with a third party (the Liberal Party) to form a coalition. Heath did eventually resign when the negotiations failed.
Contrary to myth a prime minister is not reappointed after every general election. They continue in office, but may use the opportunity to reshuffle the cabinet, with only those ministers moved or brought in going to the Palace for appointment. As a result, though prime minister during a number of parliaments in succession, Margaret Thatcher was only actually appointed prime minister once, in 1979.
Whatever the reason—the expiry of Parliament's five-year term, the choice of the Prime Minister, or a Government defeat in the House of Commons—the dissolution is followed by general elections. If his or her party has lost a majority in the House of Commons, the Prime Minister is compelled to resign (or request a dissolution, but the Sovereign is not compelled to accept such a request). The leader of the party or coalition now in the majority is then appointed Prime Minister by the Sovereign. The custom that requires the Prime Minister to resign immediately after an electoral loss is only of relatively recent invention. Previously, Prime Ministers had the option of meeting Parliament, and then inviting an effective vote of confidence.
As well as losing the confidence of the House of Commons, prime ministers may also in effect be forced to resign if they lose the confidence of their party. This was what led Margaret Thatcher to resign in 1990. The last Prime Minister to die in office was Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston (in 1865). The only Prime Minister to be assassinated was Spencer Perceval (in 1812).

Term
The Prime Minister's chief duty is to "form a Government"—that is to say, to create a Cabinet or Ministry which will sustain the support of the House of Commons—when commissioned by the Sovereign. He or she generally co-ordinates the policies and activities of the Cabinet and the various Government departments, acting as the "face" of Her Majesty's Government. The Sovereign exercises much of his or her royal prerogative on the Prime Minister's advice. (For the prerogative of dissolving Parliament, see "Term" above.)
The Commander-in-Chief of the British Armed Forces is the Sovereign. Under longstanding parliamentary custom and practice, however, the Prime Minister holds de facto decision-making power over the deployment and disposition of British forces. The Prime Minister can authorise, but not directly order, the use of Britain's nuclear weapons.
The Prime Minister also has a wide range of powers of appointment. In most cases, the actual appointments are made by the Sovereign, but the selection and recommendation is made by the Prime Minister. Ministers, Privy Counsellors, Ambassadors and High Commissioners, senior civil servants, senior military officers, members of important committees and commissions, and several other officials are selected, and in some cases may be removed, by the Prime Minister. Furthermore, peerages, knighthoods, and other honours are bestowed by the Sovereign only on the advice of the Prime Minister. He also formally advises the Sovereign on the appointment of Archbishops and Bishops of the Church of England, but his discretion is limited by the existence of the Crown Nominations Commission. The appointment of senior judges, while on the advice of the Prime Minister for constitutional reasons, is now on the basis of recommendations from independent bodies. The only important British honours over which the Prime Minister does not have control are the Orders of the Garter, Thistle, and Merit, and the Royal Victorian Order, which are all within the "personal gift" of the Sovereign. The extent of the Sovereign's ability to influence the nature of the Prime Ministerial advice is unknown, but probably varies depending upon the personal relationship between the Sovereign and the Prime Minister of the day.
There exist several limits on the powers of the Prime Minister. Firstly, he or she is (theoretically at least) only a first among equals in the Cabinet. The extent of a Prime Minister's power over the Cabinet may vary. In some cases, the Prime Minister may be a mere figurehead, with actual power being wielded by one or more other individuals. Weak or titular Prime Ministers were more common prior to the twentieth century; examples include William Cavendish, 4th Duke of Devonshire and William Cavendish-Bentinck, 3rd Duke of Portland. At the opposite extreme, however, Prime Ministers may dominate the Cabinet so much that they become "Semi-Presidents." Examples of dominant Prime Ministers (more common during the late nineteenth and the twentieth centuries) include William Ewart Gladstone, David Lloyd George, Neville Chamberlain, Winston Churchill, Margaret Thatcher (who was powerful enough as to be able to organise her Cabinet without regard to Parliamentary conventions), and Tony Blair. The powers of some Prime Ministers waxed or waned, depending upon their own level of energy, political skills or outside events: Ramsay MacDonald, for example, was dominant in his Labour governments, but during his National Government his powers diminished so that by his final years in Downing Street he was merely the figurehead of the government. In modern times, Prime Ministers have never been merely titular; dominant or somewhat dominant personalities are the norm.
The Prime Minister's powers are also limited by the House of Commons, whose support the Government is obliged to maintain. The House of Commons checks the powers of the Prime Minister through committee hearings and through Question Time, a weekly occurrence in which the Prime Minister is obliged to respond to the questions of the Leader of the Opposition and other members of the House. In practice, however, a Government with a strong majority need rarely fear "backbench rebellions."
Members of Parliament may hold ministerial offices (up to 90 paid offices, of varying levels of seniority, exist), and may fear removal for failing to support the Prime Minister. Party discipline, furthermore, is very strong; a Member of Parliament may be expelled from his or her party for failing to support the Government on important issues, and although this will not mean he or she must resign as an MP, it would make re-election difficult for most. Restraints imposed by the House of Commons grow weaker when the Government's party enjoys a large majority in that House. In general, however, the Prime Minister and his or her colleagues may secure the House's support for almost any bill.
However, even a government with a healthy majority can on occasion find it is unable to pass legislation due to opposition from MPs. For example, on January 31, 2006 Tony Blair's Government was defeated over proposals to outlaw religious hatred, while on November 9, 2005 it was defeated over plans which would have allowed police to detain terror suspects for up to 90 days without charge. On other occasions, the Government may be forced to alter its proposals in order to avoid defeat in the Commons, as Tony Blair's Government did in February 2006 over education reforms. The Butler Review of 2004 condemned Blair's style of "sofa government".
Ultimately, however, the Prime Minister will be held responsible by the nation for the consequences of legislation or of general government policy. Margaret Thatcher's party forced her from power after the introduction of the poll tax; Sir Anthony Eden fell from power following the Suez Crisis; and Neville Chamberlain resigned after being criticised for his handling of negotiations with Germany prior to the outbreak of World War II, and for failing to prevent the fall of Norway to the Nazi onslaught.

Powers and restraints
Gordon Brown on 2 July 2007 proposed transferring parts of the Prime Minister's traditional authority to Parliament. He has said he intends to yield certain traditional Prime Ministerial powers conferred on the office by royal prerogative, including the ability to declare war, thus giving the Parliament more powers and rights to vet and veto appointments to senior public positions, in a bid to crack down on cronyism.

Proposed changes by Gordon Brown to change the powers of the office
The Prime Minister had no special precedence until the order of precedence first recognized the office in 1905. Throughout the United Kingdom, he outranks all others except the Royal Family, the Lord Chancellor, and senior ecclesiastical functionaries (in England and Wales, the Anglican Archbishops of Canterbury and York; in Scotland, the Lord High Commissioner and the Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland; in Northern Ireland, the Anglican and Roman Catholic Archbishops of Armagh and Dublin and the Moderator of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church).
The Prime Minister draws his or her salary not as Prime Minister, but as First Lord of the Treasury. At present, he or she receives £127,334, in addition to his or her salary of £60,277 as a Member of Parliament.[1] Until 2006 the Lord Chancellor was the highest paid member of the government ahead of the Prime Minister. This reflected the Lord Chancellor's position at the top of the judicial pay scale, as British judges are on the whole better paid than British politicians and until 2005 the Lord Chancellor was both politician and the head of the judiciary. The Constitutional Reform Act 2005 stripped the Lord Chancellor of his judicial functions and his salary was reduced below the Prime Minister's.
The Prime Minister traditionally resides at 10 Downing Street in London, which George II offered to Sir Robert Walpole as a personal gift. Walpole, however, only accepted it as the official home of the First Lord, taking up his residence there in 1735. The Prime Minister only resides in 10 Downing Street in his or her capacity as First Lord; the few nineteenth century Prime Ministers who were not First Lords were forced to live elsewhere. Though most First Lords have lived in 10 Downing Street, some preferred to reside in their private residences. This happened when they were often aristocrats with grand central London houses of their own, such as Palmerston's Cambridge House and seems unlikely to occur again. Furthermore, some such as Harold Macmillan and John Major have lived in Admiralty House whilst 10 Downing Street was undergoing renovations or repairs.
Adjacent to Downing Street is 11 Downing Street, the home of the Second Lord of the Treasury (who, in modern times, has also filled the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer). After he became Prime Minister in 1997, Tony Blair found 10 Downing Street too small for his large family, and he swapped residences with the Chancellor and Second Lord, Gordon Brown. However, the Prime Ministerial offices are still maintained in Number 10. 12 Downing Street is the residence of the Chief Whip.
The Prime Minister is also entitled to use the country house of Chequers in Buckinghamshire.
The Prime Minister, like other Cabinet Ministers and senior Members of Parliament, is customarily a member of the Privy Council; thus, he or she becomes entitled to prefix "The Right Honourable" to his or her name. Membership of the Council is retained for life (unless the individual resigns it, or is expelled—both rare phenomena). It is a constitutional convention that only a Privy Counsellor can be appointed Prime Minister, but invariably all potential candidates have already attained this status. The only occasion when a non-Privy Councillor was the natural appointment was Ramsay MacDonald in 1924, but the issue was resolved by appointing him to the Council immediately prior to his appointment as Prime Minister.

Precedence and privileges
It is customary for the Sovereign to grant a Prime Minister some honour or dignity when that individual retires from politics. The honour commonly, but not invariably, bestowed on Prime Ministers is membership of the United Kingdom's most senior order of chivalry, the Order of the Garter. The practice of creating retired Prime Ministers Knights of the Garter has been fairly prevalent since the middle-nineteenth century. On the retirement of a Prime Minister who is Scottish, it is likely that the primarily Scottish honour of the Order of the Thistle will be used instead of the Order of the Garter, which is generally regarded as an English honour.
It has also been common for Prime Ministers to be granted peerages upon their retirement as a Member of Parliament, which elevates the individual to the House of Lords. For this reason, the peerage is rarely awarded immediately on the Prime Minister's resignation from that post, unless he or she steps down as an MP at the same time. Formerly, the peerage bestowed was usually an earldom (which was always hereditary). However, since the 1960s, hereditary peerages have generally been eschewed, and life peerages have been preferred, although in the 1980s Harold Macmillan was created Earl of Stockton on retirement. Sir Alec Douglas-Home, Harold Wilson, James Callaghan and Margaret Thatcher accepted life peerages. However, neither Edward Heath nor John Major accepted peerages of any kind on stepping down as MPs. Margaret Thatcher's son Mark is a baronet, which he inherited from his father Denis, but this is not a peerage.
Of the nineteen Prime Ministers since 1902, eight have been created both peers and Knights of the Garter; three have only been created peers; three have only become Knights of the Garter; and five have not been granted either honour—in two cases due to their death while still active in politics, in two others out of a wish to die a commoner.
The retired Prime Ministers who are still living are:
In November 2004, the polling company MORI, in association with the University of Leeds, questioned 258 political science academics in the United Kingdom (139 of whom replied) on the perceived success of twentieth century Prime Ministers. The results showed that Clement Attlee was rated as most successful, followed by Churchill and Lloyd George. Anthony Eden was rated as the least successful.
In August 2006, BBC History Magazine historian, Francis Beckett ranked each 20th century Prime Minister on how well they implemented their policies. Margaret Thatcher and Clement Attlee topped this poll, with Anthony Eden and Neville Chamberlain coming bottom. Beckett said that Lady Thatcher, "took one sort of society, and turned it into another".

The Rt Hon Baroness Thatcher LG OM PC
The Rt Hon Sir John Major KG CH
The Rt Hon Tony Blair Retirement honours
According to the Department for Constitutional Affairs, the Prime Minister is made a Privy Counsellor as a result of taking office and should be addressed by the official title prefixed by "The Right Honourable" and not by a personal name.
This form of address is employed at formal occasions but is rarely used by the media. Tony Blair, the previous Prime Minister, was frequently referred to in print as "the Prime Minister", "Mr Blair", "Tony Blair" or "Blair". He was usually addressed as "Prime Minister".

See also

The Daily Bugle is a fictional New York City newspaper that is a regular fixture in the Marvel Universe, most prominently in Spider-Man and its derivative media. The company first appeared in Fantastic Four vol. 1 #2.

History

Fictional staff members

Limited series

Alternate versions
In the Marvel 1602 setting, Jameson is publisher of the first "news-sheet" in the New World; the Daily Trumpet.

1602
In the Amalgam Comics universe, the Daily Bugle is a sleazy tabloid, and JJ Jameson tries get photos which depict Spider-Boy as being romantically linked to female heroes, like Insect Queen, as well as other sensationalist stories. Pete Ross (Spider-Boy) works there as a photographer. Other staff members include Tana Moon and Jack Ryder. There is also a Gotham Bugle, run by J. Jonah White, which employs red-headed, chain-smoking Jimmy Urich.

House Of M
Coincidentally, the Daily Bugle was also the newspaper where Micky Moran, alter-ego of Marvelman, worked as a copyboy in the original 1950s issues (also featuring as a publication that gave Moran freelance work in Alan Moore's 1980s revival).
The Daily Bugle also appears in The Basil Brish show on British television, most probably as a reference to Spider-Man.

Others
In the Ultimate Marvel universe, the Bugle is much the same as in the 616 version. The main difference is that Peter Parker is not employed as a photographer, but works on the newspaper's website after Jameson sees him assist with a problem. The newspaper plays less of a role in Ultimate Spider-Man than it did in the comics portraying the equivalent period of the 616 Spider-Man's career.

Ultimate Marvel
Since 2006, Marvel has published a monthly Daily Bugle newspaper reporting on the company's publications and their authors. The newspaper format first appeared, reporting on event storylines as if it was the Daily Bugle within Marvel's comics continuities, to promote Marvel's crossover events Civil War and House of M; this function was restored for the 2007 death of Captain America.

Other media

The Bugle is seen in most media adaptations of Spider-Man, the most prominent appearance being in the 2002 Spider-Man film and its sequels. In the movies, the Bugle is housed in the Flatiron Building (as it does in the Marvels miniseries by Kurt Busiek and Alex Ross). One Bugle employee who appears exclusively in the films is Hoffman, who serves as comic relief and is frequently harassed by Jameson. Hoffman is played by Ted Raimi, who is the brother of Sam Raimi, the director of the Spider-Man film series. In Spider-Man 3, Eddie Brock (played by Topher Grace) is a photographer employed by the Bugle. In the comics, Eddie worked for the rival Daily Globe.
In Frank Darabont's Academy Award nominated film, The Shawshank Redemption, Andy Dufresne, played by Tim Robbins sends a package to "the Portland Daily Bugle" containing the information about the Shawshank warden's illegal money laundering operations.
Reporter Christine Everhart will appear in the Iron Man film, most likely representing the Daily Bugle. Television

In the arcade and console-imported game Marvel Super Heroes the Bugle is Spider-Man's stage. The fighting takes place on a platform that is first going vertical and then across the Daily Bugle.
In the multi-platform video game Marvel Nemesis: Rise of the Imperfects the Daily Bugle is a recurring battleground throughout the story mode and available in the versus mode. Here the rooftop is surrounded by three destructible walls, and covered with explosive barrels, air conditioners, pipes, and poles for use in battle. Even the trademark letters that form "Daily Bugle" are available for throwing at enemies once damaged.
In the Ghost Rider videogame released in 2007, The Daily Bugle appears in the challenge mode of the game. It even has big spiderwebs in the corners, which is an obvious reference to Spider-Man.
The Daily Bugle is featured in many of the Spider-Man games.

This article is part of the series: Politics and government of Kuwait
The National Assembly of Kuwait, known as the Majlis Al-Umma ("House of the Nation") (Arabic: مجلس الأمة), is the legislature of Kuwait. Its powers are largely controlled by the prime minister, a position by decree reserved to members of the royal family only. His current speaker is Jassem Al-Kharafi. The Emir dissolved the National Assembly in 1981, and restored it after the Gulf War in 1991. In 1999 his government attempted to enfranchise women, but the Assembly overrode the Emir.
Until recently, suffrage was limited to male Kuwaiti citizens above the age of 21 whose ancestors had resided in Kuwait since 1920, and adult males who have been naturalized citzens for at least 20 years. On May 16, 2005, however, the Assembly passed a law in support of women's suffrage, allowing women to vote and run for office, as long as they adhere to Islamic law.
The 50-seat assembly is elected every four years. Currently there are 5 geographically distributed electoral districts. Every eligible citizen is entitled to four votes, though he or she may choose to only cast one vote. The two candidates with the most votes in each district win seats. Cabinet ministers (including the prime minister) are granted automatic membership in the Assembly. Thus, the actual number of seats in the assembly rises to 62 or more, depending on the number of ministers at a given time. The Cabinet ministers have the same rights as the elected MPs except that 1) they do not participate in committees' work, and 2) they can not cast a vote when an interpolation leads to a "no-confidence" vote against one of the Cabinet members.
The building housing the parliament was designed by the famous Danish architect Jørn Utzon, who also designed the Sydney Opera House.

Al-Sabah Dynasty
Emir

• Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah
  Prime Minister
  
  
  
  • Nasser Al-Mohammed Al-Ahmed Al-Sabah
    National Assembly
    Political parties
    Elections: 2006
    Governorates
    Foreign relations
    Human rights Dissolving The National Assembly
    While political parties are banned in Kuwait, a number of political factions exist. The assembly is composed of different unofficial political factions in addition to independents:
    In 2006 general election, a coalition of 29 members of parliament was formed (which was increased to 36 members after the election) for supporting the 5 electoral districts bill.
    
    The Islamic bloc: Consisting mainly of Salafi and Hadas members. The Islamic bloc is the most influential bloc in the assembly with around 17 members elected in the 2006 national elections. Their chief goal is the complete return of the Shari'a law. Bills supported by the Islamic bloc include the elimination of co-education at the university level (passed in 1998).
    The Shaabi (Populist or Socialist) bloc: A coalition of independents and other nationalist parties with a focus on lower- and middle-class issues. In 2006 national elections, they won around 20 seats of the parliament.
    The liberal bloc: With only four members elected in the 2006 elections, it is the weakest faction in the assembly. The liberal bloc supported the women's suffrage bill in 1999 and 2005.

Greater Cleveland is a nickname for the metropolitan area surrounding Cleveland in Ohio.
Northeast Ohio refers to a similar but substantially larger area as described below. This article covers the area generally considered to be Greater Cleveland, but includes information on the entire region of Northeast Ohio which includes the cities of Cleveland, Akron, Canton and Youngstown. According to the 2000 Census, the five-county Cleveland-Elyria-Mentor Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) consists of Cuyahoga County, Geauga County, Lake County, Lorain County, and Medina County, and has a population of 2,250,871. The larger Cleveland-Akron-Elyria Combined Statistical Area is the 14th largest Combined Statistical Area in the United States and includes the above counties, plus Ashtabula County, Portage County and Summit County, with a population of 2,945,831. Cleveland-Akron-Canton is the 16th largest Designated Market Area in the United States, according to Nielsen Media Research.
However, the areas commonly understood as Greater Cleveland or Northeast Ohio are not precisely defined. Most often, Greater Cleveland is understood as referring to all of Cuyahoga County, and a number of surrounding communities. The Cleveland-Elyria-Mentor MSA covers most of this area and some smaller outlying communities.
Northeast Ohio consists of 13 counties and includes the cities of Cleveland, Akron, Canton, Lorain, Elyria, Medina, Ashtabula, Youngstown, and Warren. Northeast Ohio is home to approximately 4.5 million people, has a labor force of almost 2 million, and a gross regional product of more than US$134 billion.
Additional counties are often (but not always) considered to be in Northeast Ohio. These locations include Ashland County, Carroll County, Erie County, Holmes County, Huron County, Richland County, Tuscarawas County, and Wayne County, thus making the total population of the entire Northeastern section of Ohio well over 5 million people.
The areas commonly referred to as Greater Cleveland or Northeast Ohio are precisely the same as neither the Cleveland-Elyria-Mentor MSA nor the Cleveland-Akron-Elyria Combined Statistical Area defined by the U.S. Census Bureau.
The region is considered by some to be a part of a megalopolis. Some geographers describe the area stretching from Cleveland to Pittsburgh as the "Steel City Corridor", encompassing the cities of Akron, Canton, and Youngstown. Others characterize it as part of a larger megalopolis that connects Chicago to Pittsburgh.

Counties

Cities and villages

Bay Village
Beachwood
Bedford
Bedford Heights
Bentleyville
Berea
Bratenahl
Brecksville
Broadview Heights
Brook Park
Brooklyn
Brooklyn Heights
Chagrin Falls
Cleveland
Cleveland Heights
Cuyahoga Heights
East Cleveland
Euclid
Fairview Park
Garfield Heights
Gates Mills
Glenwillow
Highland Heights
Highland Hills
Hunting Valley
Independence
Lakewood
Linndale
Lyndhurst
Maple Heights
Mayfield Heights
Mayfield Village
Middleburg Heights
Moreland Hills
Newburgh Heights
North Olmsted
North Randall
North Royalton
Oakwood
Olmsted Falls
Orange
Parma
Parma Heights
Pepper Pike
Richmond Heights
Rocky River
Seven Hills
Shaker Heights
Solon
South Euclid
Strongsville
University Heights
Valley View
Walton Hills
Warrensville Heights
Westlake
Woodmere Cuyahoga County

Aquilla
Bainbridge
Burton
Chardon
Chesterland
Middlefield
South Russell Geauga County

Eastlake
Fairport Harbor
Grand River
Kirtland
Kirtland Hills
Lakeline
Madison
Mentor
Mentor-on-the-Lake
North Madison
North Perry
Painesville
Perry
Timberlake
Waite Hill
Wickliffe
Willoughby
Willoughby Hills
Willowick Lake County

Amherst
Avon
Avon Lake
Eaton Estates
Elyria
Grafton
Kipton
Lagrange
Lorain
North Ridgeville
Oberlin
Rochester
Sheffield
Sheffield Lake
South Amherst
Vermilion (portions in Erie and Lorain Counties)
Wellington Lorain County

Brunswick
Chippewa Lake
Creston
Gloria Glens Park
Lodi
Medina
Rittman
Seville
Spencer
Wadsworth
Westfield Center Medina County

Aurora
Brady Lake
Garrettsville
Hiram
Kent
Mantua
Mogadore (portions in Portage and Summit Counties)
Ravenna
Rootstown
Streetsboro
Sugar Bush Knolls
Windham Portage County

Akron
Barberton
Boston Heights
Clinton
Cuyahoga Falls
Fairlawn
Green
Hudson
Lakemore
Macedonia
Mogadore
Munroe Falls
New Franklin
Northfield
Norton
Peninsula
Reminderville
Richfield
Silver Lake
Stow
Twinsburg Summit County
More than 37% of Fortune 500 companies are present in Northeast Ohio, through corporate headquarters, major divisions, subsidiaries, and sales offices. In addition, more than 150 international companies have a presence there. In 2006, Northeast Ohio serves as the corporate headquarters of 25 Fortune 1000 firms (shown with 2006 rankings below):
Other large employers include:

(#112) Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company (Akron, Rubber)
(#153) Progressive Insurance (Mayfield Village, Insurance)
(#184) FirstEnergy (Akron, Utilities)
(#210) Eaton Corporation (Cleveland, Motor Vehicle Parts)
(#213) National City Corporation (Cleveland, Banking)
(#279) Parker-Hannifin (Mayfield Heights, Aerospace)
(#311) Sherwin-Williams (Cleveland, Paint)
(#325) KeyCorp (Cleveland, Banking)
(#417) The Timken Company (Canton, Specialty Steel)
(#486) Lubrizol Corporation (Wickliffe, Lubricants and Chemicals)
(#589) Nacco Industries (Cleveland, Industrial Equipment)
(#671) Diebold (Green, Electronics)
(#674) PolyOne (Avon Lake, Chemicals)
(#678) RPM International (Medina, Chemicals)
(#704) Aleris International (Beachwood, Metals)
(#765) The J.M. Smucker Co. (Orrville, Food Consumer Products)
(#825) American Greetings (Cleveland, Greeting Cards)
(#839) Jo Ann Stores (Hudson, Specialty Retailer)
(#846) Medical Mutual of Ohio (Cleveland, Health Insurance)
(#878) Cleveland-Cliffs (Cleveland, Mining & Crude Oil)
(#888) Applied Industrial Technologies (Cleveland, Bearings)
(#922) Agilysis (Mayfield Heights, Electronics)
(#928) Lincoln Electric (Cleveland, Arc Welding Equipment)
(#955) Invacare (Elyria, Medical Products and Equipment)
(#995) A. Shulman (Akron, Chemicals)
Babcock & Wilcox (Barberton, Engineering)
Cafaro Corp (Youngstown, Mall Management and Properties)
Cleveland Clinic (Cleveland, Health Care)
Developers Diversified Realty Corporation (Beachwood, Real Estate Development)
DeBartolo-York Corp (Boardman Twp., Youngstown, Mall Management and Properties)
Exal Corp Aluminum Production (Youngstown, Metals)
FirstMerit (Akron, Banking)
Forest City Enterprises (Cleveland, Real Estate Development)
Gojo (Akron, Chemicals)
Home Savings and Loan (Youngstown, Banking)
IMG (Cleveland, Sports Marketing and Management)
Jones Day (Cleveland, Legal Services)
Roadway Express (Akron, Logistics)
University Hospitals of Cleveland (Cleveland, Health Care) Business and industry
Greater Cleveland is well known for its multitude of higher education institutions, including:

Baldwin-Wallace College (Berea)
Case Western Reserve University (Cleveland)
Cleveland College of Jewish Studies (Beachwood)
Cleveland Institute of Art (Cleveland)
Cleveland Institute of Music (Cleveland)
Cleveland State University (Cleveland)
Cuyahoga Community College (Cleveland, Highland Hills, and Parma)
Hiram College (Hiram)
John Carroll University (University Heights)
Kent State University (Kent)
Lake Erie College (Painesville)
Lakeland Community College (Kirtland)
Lorain County Community College (Elyria)
Myers University (formerly Dyke College) (Cleveland)
Northeastern Ohio Universities College of Medicine (Rootstown)
Notre Dame College (South Euclid)
Oberlin College (Oberlin)
Ohio College of Podiatric Medicine (Cleveland)
University of Akron (Akron)
Ursuline College (Pepper Pike)
Youngstown State University (Youngstown, Ohio) Colleges and universities

Transportation
Greater Cleveland is served by international, regional and county airports, including:

Akron-Canton Regional Airport
Akron Fulton International Airport
Burke Lakefront Airport
Cuyahoga County Airport
Cleveland Hopkins International Airport
Landsdown Airport (Private, Youngstown's Eastside)
Youngstown-Warren Regional Airport Airports

I-71
I-76
I-77
I-80/Ohio Turnpike
I-90
I-271
I-277
I-480
I-490
I-680 Highway notes
The Greater Cleveland Regional Transit Authority operates a bus system and heavy and light rail in Cuyahoga County. Other transit agencies serve the surrounding counties and provide connections with RTA, including Laketran in Lake County, Metro in Summit County, and Lorain County Transit.

Public transit

Culture
In addition to Playhouse Square Center, the second largest theater district in the United States, Greater Cleveland has a vibrant theater community throughout the region.

Theater

Actors' Summit (Hudson) [1]
Akron Civic (Akron) [2]
Beck Center (Lakewood) [3]
Cabaret Dada (Cleveland) [4]
Cassidy Theater (Parma Heights) [5]
Cleveland Play House (Cleveland) [6]
Cleveland Public Theater (Cleveland) [7]
Dobama Theater (Cleveland Heights) [8]
Euclid Avenue Opera House (destroyed)
Geauga Lyric Theater (Chardon) [9]
Huntington Playhouse (Bay Village) [10]
Karamu House (Cleveland) [11]
Near West Theatre (Cleveland) [12]
Olde Towne Hall Theatre (North Ridgeville) [13]
Canton Palace (Canton) [14]
Playhouse Square Center (Cleveland) [15]
Powers Auditorium (Youngstown) National Register of Historic Places: The Original Warner Theater Theaters

Bad Epitaph Theater Company (defunct)
Bodwin Theater Company [16]
Carousel Dinner Theater [17]
Charenton Theatre Company [18]
Cleveland Shakespeare Festival [19]
Cleveland Signstage Theatre [20]
Cleveland Theatre Company (defunct)
Convergence-Continuum [21]
Dobama's Night Kitchen (defunct)
Knot Theater (defunct)
Giant Portions (defunct)
Great Lakes Theater Festival [22]
The Group [23]
Pieces of People (POP) Theatre (defunct)
Portage Lakes Players [24]
The Public Squares [25]
Red Hen Productions [26]
SPOT Improv Comedy Troupe (defunct)
the Working Theatre (defunct) Theatrical companies
Cleveland's professional sports teams include the Cleveland Indians (Major League Baseball), Cleveland Browns (National Football League), and Cleveland Cavaliers (National Basketball Association). The Indians have two minor league affiliates in the area, the AA Akron Aeros and the Single-A Lake County Captains, who play in Eastlake.
The Cleveland Metroparks are a system of nature preserves that encircle the city, and the Cuyahoga Valley National Park encompasses the Cuyahoga River valley between Cleveland and Akron. The region is home to Mentor Headlands Beach, the longest natural beach on the Great Lakes.

Famous natives

List of United States metropolitan statistical areas by population
Connecticut Western Reserve
Rust Belt